Posts Tagged ‘John Kay’

finance in a non-capitalist world

Thursday, May 16th, 2013

One of life’s paradoxes is that never have modern companies been so awash with cash, yet never have they been so active in capital markets. Apple last month raised $17 billion by selling bonds because it could, not because the company lacked cash to give its shareholders in exchange for stock. Apple has reserves of $145 billion stashed overseas, but would have to pay taxes on any money it repatriated. By borrowing money it does not need, Apple obtains a business deduction (payment of interest) and avoids payment of taxes on past profits.

British economist John Kay runs through the logic of this, and suggests that we are living in a non-capitalist world, even though we insist on calling the system by its old name.

In the 19th century, railroads raised funds from private investors to finance costly infrastructure. Later, large manufacturing corporations raised capital in much the same way.

But only a few businesses today, mainly utilities, have the capital-intensive character typical of those early days of industrialisation. …. [I]t is now relatively unusual for a business to own the premises from which it operates. Employees today generally do not know who owns the building in which they work, or the desk at which they sit. They do not know because it does not matter. Their boss tells them what to do, not because he owns the means of production, but because he has been appointed as the boss.

A modern company, such as Apple, is knowledge-based, outsources its manufacturing and has little need of any tangible capital at all. A new business will need investment to meet its initial operating losses but can expect to become cash generative at an early stage of its life. If the company seeks a public listing on an exchange, the likely purpose is to provide a liquidity event for early-stage investors, or to reassure employees that their options have value, rather than to raise money to expand the business. Facebook took in cash from investors because it could, while admitting that it had no particular use for it. We still use the word “capitalism” when we refer to the institutions of the modern market economy but it has become a misleading term.

John Kay, “Why business loves capital markets, even if it doesn’t need capital“, Financial Times, 15 May 2013 (ungated).

the politics of protest

Thursday, May 9th, 2013

John Kay has an excellent column this week, on political response to the financial crisis. Read the entire essay, which can be downloaded at the ungated link below.

America’s Tea Party is a rising of the socially conservative poor, funded by the rich. The comedian Beppe Grillo’s Five Star Movement argues that the only way to cope with Italian politics is to laugh at it. The Scottish National party, with roots in a romantic view of Scotland’s history and culture, reinvented itself around the potent but decidedly unromantic cry of: “It’s Scotland’s oil.” Alternative für Deutschland is an intellectual movement of professors; and Greece’s New Dawn, a fascist revival.

These and the many other new anti-political movements – some thoughtful, some sinister, some silly – could hardly appear more disparate. Yet they share a resentment of others supposedly responsible for our problems – a media and a political class that supposedly fails to acknowledge popular concerns, and foreigners who do not share our culture or our heritage. United only in grievance, they are so varied because by their nature they can only be national.

Contrary to many expectations, the most traditionally international of political groupings – the left – derived no benefit from the [financial] crisis. …. In the few countries in which parties of the left have gained power since the crisis, this is … a byproduct of voters’ near universal rejection of whatever government was in power at the time. The “change you could believe in” that US President Barack Obama and François Hollande of France brought was principally that they were not their predecessors.

John Kay, “Sinister or silly, protest politicians are united in grievance“, Financial Times, 8 May 2013.

the parable of the ox

Sunday, April 28th, 2013

FT columnist John Kay explains, with a simple parable, how financial markets function.

In 1906, the great statistician Francis Galton observed a competition to guess the weight of an ox at a country fair. Eight hundred people entered. Galton, being the kind of man he was, ran statistical tests on the numbers. He discovered that the average guess (1,197lb) was extremely close to the actual weight (1,198lb) of the ox. This story was told by James Surowiecki, in his entertaining book The Wisdom of Crowds.

Not many people know the events that followed. A few years later, the scales seemed to become less and less reliable. Repairs were expensive; but the fair organiser had a brilliant idea. Since attendees were so good at guessing the weight of an ox, it was unnecessary to repair the scales. The organiser would simply ask everyone to guess the weight, and take the average of their estimates.

A new problem emerged, however. Once weight-guessing competitions became the rage, some participants tried to cheat. [snip]  Continued at the ungated link below.

John Kay, “The parable of the ox“, Financial Times, 25 July 2012.

On 4 January 2013 John Kay discussed the implications of this parable (which are not good!) with presenter Tim Harford on BBC Radio 4’s ‘More or Less’. Click here to listen to it.

institutions and economic development

Thursday, April 11th, 2013

“Institutions matter” has become a mantra of development economics. Economist John Kay finds this pithy advice to be unhelpful, because there is no blueprint of unique institutions that are necessary or sufficient for sustainable growth.

[T]o say institutions matter is to beg the question: which institutions? The conventional reply emphasises property rights and rule of law. This excludes the arbitrary rule of the mad dictator or the king who enjoys power by divine right – but provides little further guidance. ….

So when the Chinese ask how to establish the institutions to support a stable, prosperous economy, it is not enough to mumble: “Property rights and rule of law – go to Denmark and see.” There are many versions of the successful formula of lightly regulated capitalism and liberal democracy, each with its own challenges. While there are common principles, there is no blueprint that can be enshrined in a Washington consensus or proclaimed “the end of history”.

Nor is there an established blueprint for a transition from anarchy or traditional society to the institutions that today’s development economists understand matter. Hong Kong in the 19th century experienced one such transition – the importing of institutions from another jurisdiction with the support of the Royal Navy and a garrison of troops. But that model for the most part did not prove acceptable, or permanent, elsewhere. Its resilience in Hong Kong was the result of a unique context. Institutions matter – but perhaps histories matter even more. And while countries can learn from history, they cannot reproduce histories.

John Kay, “Prosperity requires more than rule of law“, Financial Times, 10 April 2013 (free access).


 

banks need capital, not taxpayer bailouts

Thursday, April 4th, 2013

John Kay has a wonderful column this week on lessons from the Cyprus bailout.

The combination of useless regulation, irrelevant regulation and state guarantees met the perceived needs of regulators and the industry itself by creating an appearance of activity while reinforcing the status quo. But the inevitable result was that the crises kept coming. ….

The principle of resolution should be that neither political democracy nor economic efficiency can tolerate institutions too big to fail. That requires realistic plans to break up struggling cross-border institutions and the capacity to impose losses on uninsured creditors as well as shareholders. Most of all, it demands recognition that, in banking as in the rest of the market economy, the normal fate of failed commercial institutions is to be wound up. ….

And, as a recent book by Anat Admati and Martin Hellwig explains, banks need more capital – lots more capital, not minimal provision based on a pseudoscientific calculation of risk-weighted assets. Neither regulators nor management can assess accurately how much a bank really needs. The only safe bank is one with more capital than it could possibly require. Like banks of old.

John Kay, “Bungled bailout heralds shift in attitudes“, Financial Times, 3 April 2013 (free access).

When will we ever learn? Crisis after crisis, and still no reform of the financial sector.

Beveridge, Roosevelt and the welfare state

Wednesday, December 5th, 2012

FT columnist John Kay this week commemorates the 70th anniversary of the publication of the Beveridge Report.

[William] Beveridge believed in social insurance, a concept created in Bismarckian Germany and reinvented in the US as the “single payer” model. …. Beveridge explained that “benefit in return for contributions, rather than free allowances from the state, is what the people of Britain desire”. … [He] went on to explain that “this desire … is shown in … by the strength of popular objection to any kind of means test. This objection springs not so much from a desire to get everything for nothing, as from resentment at a provision which appears to penalise what people have come to regard as the duty and pleasure of thrift. Management of one’s income is an essential element of a citizen’s freedom.” You would win applause for these sentiments at a Tea Party rally. ….

Another strand of thought influenced the postwar welfare settlement. Franklin Roosevelt, with Churchill, set out allied war aims in the Atlantic Charter and Eleanor, Roosevelt’s wife, drew inspiration from this to press for what subsequently became the UN Declaration of Human Rights. ….

Social policy would, in the long run, owe far more to Eleanor Roosevelt’s claim that “everyone has the right to a standard of living” than to Beveridge’s assertion that “management of one’s income is an essential element of a citizen’s freedom”.

John Kay, “The allies who moulded the welfare state“, Financial Times, 5 December 2012.

Mr Kay’s concluding sentence to me seems inaccurate. A standard of living in old age cannot be guaranteed as a right when residents must pass a test of contributions or income in order to access a pension.  Almost everywhere the contributory, income-related pensions of Bismarck, Roosevelt and Beveridge are emphasized, and means-tests restrict access to non-contributory pensions. A movement for universal pensions in the US – to be financed by a national sales tax – was launched in 1933 by Francis Townsend, a retired medical doctor, but lost momentum two years later with passage of FDR’s Social Security Act.

Few countries have managed to escape means tests with universal pensions; three are former British colonies. New Zealand (in 1940) is an early example, and its scheme continues today. Canada moved from means-tested old age assistance to universal age pensions in 1950, and reintroduced an income test only in 1989. Mauritius launched universal age pensions in 1958, while it was still a crown colony, and the scheme remains in effect today.

 

John Kay on the welfare state

Tuesday, September 25th, 2012

FT columnist John Kay reacts to a talk that Tom Palmer, a Senior Fellow at the Cato Institute, recently gave in London.

The content of these rants is familiar. Levels of welfare provision are unaffordable; government finance is a huge Ponzi scheme. A common conclusion is to provide an estimate of the discounted value of the cost of some hated item of expenditure if its current provision were continued into the indefinite future. Mr Palmer reported that the present value of unfunded liabilities of US medicine and social security is $137tn.

Social security is a means of inter-generational transfer. The only bread fit to eat is bread baked today: but why should today’s bakers feed the retired bakers of yesteryear? Why should we look after old people, who can no longer do anything for us?

The obvious answer invokes Kant’s categorical imperative: it would be good for everyone (including ourselves when we are old) if everyone acted in this way. We feed the generations of our parents and grandparents in the expectation future generations will come along and do the same for us. But the consequences of this arrangement do have the character of a Ponzi scheme. One day, the world will end and the last generation of workers will have been cheated of their expectation of a peaceful retirement. In the meantime it is possible to calculate enormous measures of unfunded obligations, and it doesn’t matter. The value of these obligations is offset by the implied commitments of future generations.

John Kay, “The welfare state is a Ponzi scheme worth backing“, Financial Times, 26 September 2012.

There is much more in this wonderful, well-crafted essay. The FT link is gated, but the essay is also posted here, with a slightly different title.

Do read the entire essay. It is the best short essay that I have ever read on this important subject.

banks and casinos

Thursday, July 5th, 2012

FT columnist John Kay thinks that comparing banks to casinos is unfair … to casinos. Casinos that fleece customers are shut down. Banks that fleece clients continue to operate, often with a government bailout.

[W]hat would happen if employees of a London casino were found colluding to rig games for the benefit of the house, and particularly themselves? The police would arrive in force, the company would lose its operating licence and senior management would be excluded from the industry.

We know this because it has happened. Twice. ….

These crackdowns provoked predictable warnings of regulatory overkill: no one would invest in the industry again; London’s tourism sector would be destroyed. Neither of these fears had substance. Las Vegas and Macau may be the glitziest gaming resorts, but the destination of serious gamblers today is London, where margins are slim but profits high and tables famously honest. One of the rules that keeps them that way is strict separation between the house and the punters: the bank’s interests are differentiated from and disclosed to the players. Another is that senior management and the company are unequivocally responsible for the behaviour of their employees. Of course, any large organisation will sometimes make a hiring mistake, and rectify it quickly. ….

Casinos attract greedy people with deficient ethics: the fear this engenders frames regulation, the obligations we impose on executives and the culture we expect from operating companies.

Perhaps banks should operate to standards as high as those of casinos. There are two main arguments for splitting the utility of retail banking from the trading casino. One is to stop croupiers gambling with house money; the other is the incompatibility of trading and banking cultures.

John Kay, “‘Not on my watch’: applies to banks and the navy“, Financial Times, 4 July 2012.

This column originally appeared in the Financial Times, 4 July 2012.

the danger of complex financial instruments

Thursday, June 7th, 2012

Market fundamentalists (“market evangelists”) do not view speculative markets in exotic financial instruments as a problem. On the contrary, they believe that financial markets provide social benefits, so product innovation and establishment of new markets ought to be encouraged. John Kay disagrees.

[T]his is persuasive argument only to those who have never heard the maxim “too much of a good thing”. No one should starve: that does not mean people should eat as much as possible. A country without a financial system would be – is – an impoverished place. It does not follow that the larger the financial system, the more prosperous the country.

A better response would echo the mantra of America’s National Rifle Association: guns do not kill people, people do. Derivative securities and other complex financial instruments can serve useful purposes. If they create instability it is because they are misused.

But should we, as the US would do, look for the solution in better people? Or should we, as most of the rest of the developed world does, think that if instruments are dangerous when abused their use should be tightly controlled? For many Americans, the fear of restrictions on the liberty of honest citizens is so strong that they are willing to accept the collateral damage of a high homicide rate and the incarceration of large numbers of bad young men. For Europeans, the loss of the ability to own a gun is a trifling price to pay for safer streets. There are similar transatlantic differences over the scope and merits of financial innovation.

John Kay, “Only market evangelists reconcile Jekyll with Hyde“, Financial Times, 6 June 2012.

There is much more in this superbly crafted column, which is not gated.

 

holidays and GDP

Wednesday, May 30th, 2012

The governor of the Bank of England has pointed out that Britain’s recorded economic growth in the second quarter of 2012 will be depressed by the plethora of bank holidays. Within three months there is a four-day weekend for Easter, a May day break and another four-day weekend to mark the Queen’s diamond jubilee. ….

We will have nine bank holidays this year, including one extra for the jubilee. Although what is meant by a public holiday varies from country to country and within regions of many countries, 10 to 12 is about the international norm. But still the question remains. In this time of austerity, would it not be a good thing if we all agreed to forgo some leisure? We could surely relinquish New Year’s day and Easter Monday for the benefit of the economy? ….

[W]e could raise GDP [gross domestic product] further by cancelling Christmas (though we would lose the expenditure on unwanted gifts), taking shorter vacations (though think of the impact on easyJet), and by working till we drop from exhaustion. But why would we want to? The idea that there is something called “the economy”, which is separable from the welfare of society and its citizens, is silly. There isn’t. What really matters is whether the holiday, and the celebration, makes us better off. That question answers itself without need of economic statistics.

John Kay, “Scrap the jubilee? Why not Christmas too?”, Financial Times, 30 May 2012.

Past columns are posted here.